| ABSTRACT | 第7-9页 |
| 摘要 | 第10-12页 |
| ABBREVIATIONS | 第12-13页 |
| 1. INTRODUCTION | 第13-22页 |
| 1.1. GENERAL ITRODUCTION TO THE THESIS | 第13-15页 |
| 1.2. STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM | 第15-19页 |
| 1.3. RESEARCH QUESTION | 第19-20页 |
| 1.4. OBJECTIVES | 第20页 |
| 1.4.1 GENERAL OBJECTIVE | 第20页 |
| 1.4.2. SPECIFIC OBJECTIVES | 第20页 |
| 1.5. SCOPE OF THE STUDY | 第20页 |
| 1.6. SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY | 第20-21页 |
| 1.7. LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY | 第21-22页 |
| 2. REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE | 第22-60页 |
| 2.1. THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK | 第22-26页 |
| 2.1.1. GENERAL THEORIES IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS POLITIC | 第22-24页 |
| A. THE CLASSICAL REALISM | 第22-23页 |
| B. LIBERALISM IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS | 第23-24页 |
| 2.1.2. REALISM VS LIBERALISM IN THE SINO-US RELATIONS | 第24-26页 |
| 2.2. CHINESE FOREIGN POLICY | 第26-33页 |
| 2.2.1. EVOLUTION OF CHINESE FOREIGN POLICY | 第26-29页 |
| 2.2.2. RECENT CHINESE FOREIGN POLICY | 第29-33页 |
| 2.3. US FOREIGN POLICY | 第33-37页 |
| 2.3.1 HOW DID LIBERALISM DEVELOP IN US? | 第33-35页 |
| 2.3.2. DEFINING NEO-LIBERALISM AND ITS RELATION TO THE USFOREIGN POLICY | 第35-37页 |
| 2.3.2.1. WHAT IS THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN NEO-LIBERALISM ANDFOREIGN POLICY? | 第36-37页 |
| 2.4. SINO-AFRICA RELATIONS | 第37-51页 |
| 2.4.1. EVOLUTION OF CHINA AFRICA RELATIONS | 第37-38页 |
| 2.4.2. CHINESE FOREIGN POLICY TOWARDS AFRICA | 第38-39页 |
| 2.4.3. THE IMPACT OF CHINESE FOREIGN POLICY IN AFRICA | 第39-51页 |
| 2.4.3.1. ECONOMIC IMPACT | 第39-48页 |
| Ⅰ.ECONOMIC AND TRADE COOPERATION | 第41-42页 |
| Ⅱ.CHINESE INVESTMENT IN AFRICA | 第42-44页 |
| Ⅲ.AFRICAN UNDERDEVELOPMENT AND CHINESE INFRASTRUCTURECONSTRUCTION | 第44-45页 |
| Ⅳ.NON-CONDITIONALITY:AID AND LOANS TO AFRIC | 第45-48页 |
| 2.4.3.2. POLITICAL IMPACT | 第48-51页 |
| Ⅰ.DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS | 第48-50页 |
| Ⅱ.OFFICIAL VISITS | 第50-51页 |
| 2.5. US-AFRICA RELATIONS | 第51-60页 |
| 2.5.1. GENERAL FOREIGN POLICY OF US TOWARDS AFRICA | 第51-60页 |
| 2.5.1.1. IN GENERAL HOW DO WE SUM UP THE MAIN NEO-LIBERALPOLICY IN AFRICA?HOW DO WE EXAMINE THE POLICIES OF THE WESTIMPLEMENTED IN AFRICA? | 第55-60页 |
| 3. METHODOLOGY | 第60-66页 |
| 3.1. INTRODUCTION(WHAT KIND OF METHOD IS USED) | 第60-61页 |
| 3.2. DATA COLLECTION METHOD AND CRITERIA OF RECRUITMENT | 第61-63页 |
| 3.2.1. PRIMARY DATA'S | 第61-62页 |
| Ⅰ.QUESTIONNAIRE | 第61页 |
| Ⅱ.INTERVIEW | 第61-62页 |
| Ⅲ.FOCUS GROUP DISCUSSION | 第62页 |
| 3.2.2. SECONDARY DATA | 第62-63页 |
| 3.3. INFORMED CONSENT/ETHICAL APPROVAL | 第63页 |
| 3.4. RESEARCH RATIONAL AND STUDY DESIGN | 第63-65页 |
| 3.5. INSTRUMENTATION AND DATA ANALYSES | 第65-66页 |
| 4. RESULT AND DISCUSSION | 第66-94页 |
| 4.1 INTRODUCTION:GENERAL FACT ABOUT ETHIOPIA | 第66-67页 |
| 4.2. FDRE FOREIGN AFFAIRS AND NATIONAL SECURITY POLICY ANDSTRATEGYOF ETHIOPIA | 第67-70页 |
| Ⅰ.BASIS FOR THE ETHIOPIAN FOREIGN POLICY | 第68-69页 |
| A.DEVELOPMENT AND THE BUILDING OF A DEMOCRATIC SYSTEMAS A BASIS FOR POLICY | 第68页 |
| B.NATIONAL PRIDE AND PRESTIGE AS A BASIS FOR POLICY | 第68页 |
| C.GLOBALIZATION AS A BASIS FOR POLICY | 第68-69页 |
| Ⅱ.OBJECTIVES OF THE FOREIGN AFFAIRS AND NATIONAL SECURITYPOLICY | 第69-70页 |
| 4.3. BACKGROUND TO THE ETHIO-CHINA RELATIONS | 第70-73页 |
| 4.4 ETHIO-CHINA ECONOMIC RELATIONS | 第73-81页 |
| 4.4.1 IMPORT-EXPORT | 第73-76页 |
| 4.4.2. INVESTMENT | 第76-78页 |
| 4.4.3. INFRASTRUCTURE | 第78-81页 |
| 4.5. ETHIO-CHINA POLITICAL RELATIONS | 第81-83页 |
| 4.6. FOCUS GROUP DISCUSSION | 第83-86页 |
| 4.7. QUESTIONNAIRE DISCUSSIONS | 第86-90页 |
| 4.8. COMPARING AND CONTRASTING THE CHINESE AND US FOREIGNPOLICY IN ETHIOPIA | 第90-92页 |
| 4.8.1 CHINESE FOREIGN POLICY ANALYSIS | 第90-92页 |
| 4.8.1.1. WHAT IS THE IMPACT OF THE CHINESE FOREIGN POLICY?PROSPECTS AND CHALLENGE | 第90-92页 |
| 4.9 US FOREIGN POLICY ANALYSIS | 第92-94页 |
| 4.9.1 DID THE FOREIGN POLICY FULFILL ITS OBJECTIVE? | 第92-94页 |
| 5. CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATION | 第94-101页 |
| 5.1. CONCLUSION | 第94-99页 |
| 5.2. RECOMMENDATION | 第99-101页 |
| BIBLIOGRAPHY | 第101-106页 |
| ANNEXS | 第106-111页 |
| Acknowledgements | 第111-112页 |
| 学位论文评阅及答辩情况表 | 第112页 |
