| Abstract | 第4-5页 |
| 摘要 | 第6-10页 |
| CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION | 第10-30页 |
| 1.1 Research Resources | 第12页 |
| 1.2 Research Background and Purpose | 第12-14页 |
| 1.3 Social Responsibility Theory (SRT) in Mass Media: | 第14-20页 |
| 1.4 Significance of Research | 第20-21页 |
| 1.5 Important Findings | 第21-22页 |
| 1.6 Content and Structure of Research | 第22-23页 |
| 1.7 Research Methods | 第23-29页 |
| 1.7.1 Interview | 第23-27页 |
| 1.7.2 Documentary and Historical Research | 第27-28页 |
| 1.7.3 Comparing the Newspapers Headlines | 第28-29页 |
| 1.8 Research Objects and Sources | 第29页 |
| 1.9 Research Restriction | 第29-30页 |
| CHAPTER TWO: AK PARTY’S COMI NG TO POWER AND ITS AT TITUTETOWARDS MEDIA IN TURKEY | 第30-59页 |
| 2.1 Brief Introduction of AK Party | 第30-33页 |
| 2.2 Ak Parti’s Success Particularly in Economy | 第33-36页 |
| 2.3 Brief Introduction of Recep Tayyip Erdogan | 第36-37页 |
| 2.4 Media Situation in Turkey Once AK Party Came to Power | 第37-56页 |
| 2.4.1 Media Sector in Turkey | 第39-44页 |
| 2.4.2 Media Ownership in Turkey | 第44-45页 |
| 2.4.3 How Handing Media to Government Loyalists | 第45-56页 |
| 2.5 Attitude of Turkish Media during AK Party’s Ruling | 第56-59页 |
| CHAPTER THREE: THE METHODS OF AK PARTY’S CONTROLLINGMEDIA | 第59-128页 |
| 3.1 AK Party’s Suppression to the Media through Bureauracy and | 第65-71页 |
| 3.2 Appointing Trustee | 第71-84页 |
| 3.3 Shutting down the Opposition Televisions, Firing or Jailing Journalists | 第84-104页 |
| 3.3.1 Can Dundar’s case | 第87-101页 |
| 3.3.2 TV’s Screen Went Black [off-air] | 第101-104页 |
| 3.4 “Hello, Fatih’’ Hotline Case and Appointing Party Commissaries to Media | 第104-112页 |
| 3.5 Through Social Media | 第112-128页 |
| 3.5.1 Social Media was Banned | 第119-123页 |
| 3.5.2 Punishment through Social Media | 第123-128页 |
| CHAPTER FOUR: THE MOST EFFECTED MEDIA IN TURKEY FROM THEGOVERNMENT SUPPRESSION | 第128-148页 |
| 4.1 What is Hizmet Movement? | 第130-132页 |
| 4.2 Who is Fethullah Gulen? | 第132-134页 |
| 4.3 The Conflict between Government and Hizmet Movement | 第134-148页 |
| 4.3.1 Conflict from AK Party’s Perspective | 第139-143页 |
| 4.3.2 Conflict from Hizmet’s Perspective | 第143-148页 |
| CHAPTER FIVE: LEGAL FRAMEWORK OF PRESS AND ME DIA FREEDOM INTURKEY | 第148-162页 |
| 5.1 Press Freedom in Constitution of the Republic of Turkey | 第148-152页 |
| 5.2 Conflict of Press Freeedom and Law in Turkey | 第152-159页 |
| 5.3 The Problem that Journalists Face in Turkey | 第159-162页 |
| CHAPTER SIX: EXPRESSION AND PRESS FREEDOM SITUATION IN TURKEY | 第162-181页 |
| 6.1 How International Institutions See the Press Freedom in Turkey | 第166-171页 |
| 6.2 How Local Institution and Individuals See Press Freedom in Turkey | 第171-175页 |
| 6.3 How President Erdogan Sees Press Freedom in Turkey | 第175-177页 |
| 6.4 How AK Party See Press Freedom in Turkey | 第177-181页 |
| CONCLUSION | 第181-186页 |
| APPENDICES | 第186-233页 |
| REFERENCES | 第233-240页 |
| ACADEMIC PAPERS AND REPORTS | 第240-245页 |
| WEB SITES | 第245-249页 |
| ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS | 第249-250页 |
| ACHIEVEMENTS IN SCIENTIFIC RESEARCH DURING THE PERIOD OFPURSUING A DEGREE | 第250页 |
